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MAC News Briefing Mar 31, 2000

Subjects:
  • Small three direct links; Cross-strait exchanges and negotiations; Wang's visit to Taiwan; new premier.

MAC Vice Chairman Wu An-chia
at the March 31, 2000 Press Conference

Questions and Answers:

The Hand-Over Issue between the Outgoing and Incoming Administrations

Q: For cross-strait talks, how will MAC transfer the policy to the new administration and maintain its consistency? Will MAC be playing the same role under the new administration as it is today?

A. MAC has been planning works related to cross-strait talks without any interruption. Briefings will be arranged to pass on our experience in these areas to the new administration as reference. As for the new administration's thinking, policies, or plans for future cross-strait talks, these will depend upon the new MAC chairman.

Q. How is the hand-over process now being arranged by MAC for the new administration? Has the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the future ruling party, assigned a contact point with MAC?

A. Not yet.

Q. The cross-strait impasse is still not resolved. For both the incumbent and the new administration, the core issue is the dispute over “one China”. After being elected, Mr. Chen proposed that “one China” be a subject on the agenda, not a precondition, and that the two sides could discuss any issue. But, Beijing has insisted that the “one-China principle” is the precondition for cross-strait talks. What is your view on this? Is there any room for both sides to maneuver?

A. The incumbent administration has a clear policy with the following major points.

1. The government has reiterated that the ROC is a sovereign state, which is an indisputable political reality and historical fact. It shall not be negated. We have urged Beijing authorities to face the political reality and historical fact that the two sides are under separate jurisdictions.

2. We stress that the difference over the definition of one China is linked to the positioning of cross-strait relations. MAC has emphasized that the definition can be put on the agenda of future cross-strait talks. This stance has remained unchanged.

3. Also, MAC has stressed its hope that Mainland authorities should return to the 1992 consensus reached in Hong Kong, i.e., “the definition of one China should be respectively interpreted by each side.” The incumbent administration remains unchanged on this point. What will the incoming administration do? It shall be handled by the new administration after taking office.

Q. You just mentioned that in the process of the hand-over, MAC will give some briefings to the new ruling party as background information. Can you specify the areas for briefing?

A. MAC will make, in fact, is making, necessary arrangements for briefings. We will provide a complete explanation when the new persons come on board. These will include MAC structure, personnel, and policy guidelines and detailed practices related to cross-strait relations. The more detailed breakdown will include an introduction to the two pillars of Mainland policy. For cross-strait exchanges, we will explain how to promote cross-strait exchanges, how much has been done, whether this policy will continue, and how to continue promoting this policy. Another major area is cross-strait negotiations. MAC did many things, and has conducted this job for a long time. It is our responsibility and obligation to allow the newcomers to understand the government's efforts on cross-strait negotiations over the past years. How to carry on the job after the briefings will be the purview of the new chiefs. We will make the briefing as comprehensive as possible. In my view, there should be few problems in the hand-over process.

The “One-China Principle” Issue

Q. Yesterday, PRC President Jiang Zemin, while meeting Samuel R. Berger, advisor to the U.S. President on national security, said that sovereignty is not negotiable. His opinion is not the same from the baseline on our side. Please comment on that.

A. Whether the “one China” principle can be put on the agenda is a dispute between the two sides. The view of the current administration is that since the two sides have different views, the substance of the “one-China principle” can be discussed by the two sides, because this is related to the positioning of cross-strait relations.

The government has stressed that the ROC has been a sovereign state for 89 years, which is an undeniable political reality and historical fact. The ROC was established 37 years before the PRC came into being. It was in 1912 that the Founding Father Dr. Sun Yat-sen created the ROC. The PRC was founded in 1949, a legacy of the Chinese civil war that led to the separation of China.

There is a historical fact that you should understand. After controlling the entire Mainland in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party convened the first Political Consultative Conference. At the meeting, participants differed on whether to alter the nation's name. One group supported a change, with the argument that they battled to control the nation, and so wanted to secure their control. From the view of dynastic rule, there had been 25 dynasties in Chinese history, and the ROC should be the last one. Based on this view, they wanted to end the ROC dynasty. The other group opposed any name change.

Finally, Mao Zedong agreed with the former group and changed the nation's name from the ROC to the PRC, which resulted in the two Chinas. So, you must realize that it was Mao Zedong who created two Chinas, and not late President Chiang Kai-shek or Chiang Ching-kuo, or (outgoing) President Lee Teng-hui. This is a historical fact. I want you to understand that if Mainland authorities refuse to face this historical fact, a thawing in cross-strait relations would be impossible.

MAC's View on the “Small Three Direct Links

Q. What is MAC's view on the “small three direct links?”

A. The administration's position is very clear. The “small three direct links,” and even the “three direct links,” must be liberalized under the principle of national security, reciprocity, and mutual benefit. The government must first adopt enforcement rules. Second, the government should make detailed plans for (cross-strait) negotiations and later embark on negotiations with Mainland agencies before signing an agreement. The Legislative Yuan (LY) must adopt the agreement before it takes effect. Therefore, it (the entire process) will take time. It is impossible to liberalize the direct links right away.

Q. What will you do next, since there is no motion to ask for a second review of the adopted statute?

A. I think that it is impossible for the government to implement the “small three direct links” at the present time. As I have stressed just now, the government must first draft enforcement measures, then a plan for (cross-strait) negotiations. After that, the two sides must have negotiations and sign an agreement. Then the bill must be presented to the LY. This is the process that we must follow, and there is no way to rush this. The new government must think about this; this is its job.

Q. The new leader told the foreign media in an interview that he hoped to liberalize the three direct links -- he meant the big three direct links -- this year. Do you think it is impossible to realize this in the near future?

A. I think that it is the wish of the new government, and whether it can be realized will depend on the development of cross-strait relations. Speaking for the current government, we will be glad to see the liberalization of the three direct links to help ease the tensions between the two sides.

The Issue of the National Unification Council and the Guidelines for National Unification

Q. The National Unification Council is the highest agency designing Mainland policy guidelines, and the Guidelines for National Unification is the guiding principle on Mainland policy. Does MAC wish that the new government will maintain the institution and the Guidelines?

A. It is up to the new administration whether or not to retain the body and the Guidelines. We are in an awkward position to comment on that. All I can say is that the ROC government has promoted cross-strait exchanges and negotiations in line with the Guidelines for National Unification with considerable success.

Cross-strait exchanges have built up to a vast extent. For the past 12 years, the government has promoted exchanges in various aspects, which contributed enormously to friendly cross-strait interactions. Regarding exchange of visits, Taiwan people have paid more than 15 million visits to the Mainland for family visits, sightseeing, and conferences. Taiwan's indirect investment in the Mainland, according to official statistics, has accumulated to US$14.5 billion. Unofficial reports show that the volume is between US$20 billion to US$30 billion. According to official statistics, indirect trade totaled US$170 billion. In addition, there have also been a large number of cultural exchanges.

In conclusion, social, economic, academic, and cultural exchanges have been on the rise, which helped ease cross-strait tensions, enhance mutual understanding, and build up mutual trust. I believe the new government will continue promoting this policy line.

Regarding negotiations, the results are very clear. Over the past 10 years, the government held 22 meetings with the other side to resolve problems arising from cross-strait exchanges. Among them, the most important one was the 1993 (Koo-Wang) Talks in Singapore, in which the two sides signed four agreements, laying down a solid basis for the development of cross-strait relations. This is a good way to conduct negotiations to resolve various problems arising from exchanges, which is also in line with world trends for resolving differences through negotiations. In other words, to replace confrontation with negotiation has always been the policy of the incumbent government. It remains unchanged. I believe that the new government will continue this policy.

Therefore, as to the positioning of cross-strait relations, if the two sides can return to the 1992 consensus that “one China respectively interpreted by each side,” cross-strait interactions, I believe, will develop to a stage of friendly interplay. Whether the new government will accept that “one China respectively interpreted by each side” is a question for the new government.

The Issue of Mr. Wang's Taiwan Visit

Q. While calling on Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) Chairman Koo Chen-fu, the president-elect said he would invite Wang Daohan, chairman of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS), to attend his inauguration ceremony. Will MAC send the invitation letter or make some arrangement along this line for Chen?

A. No, MAC has not made any arrangement in this regard. Our position has been consistently clear that Beijing authorities should return to the four consensus reached at the “Koo-Wang Meeting” in October 1998. In one of the four, Koo already invited Mr. Wang to visit Taiwan. Mainland authorities also approved this. But, Wang failed to come. Therefore, MAC has repeated its welcome for Mr. Wang to visit Taiwan. It is better for Wang to come than not, and better early than late. This position is very clear.

Suggestions to the New Administration

Q. What is your personal suggestion for the new government in handling cross-strait relations, either in economic or political areas?

A. Your question is very broad. I can not act on behalf of the new government to draft specific policies. However, I would like to give some opinions of my own:

First, the new government should know that cross-strait relations are asymmetrical, in a big-vs.-small term. How to adopt a “battle-the-big” policy to counter Beijing's “bully-the-small” strategy is a job for both the government and the people. This is very important, because this is what the situation dictates.

Second, the new government should use democracy to safeguard the survival and development of the ROC. The ROC government insists on democracy, but does not oppose unification. The ROC has come of age to be a fully democratic country. We have all the characteristics of a Western democracy, such as:

1. Our democratic system has clearly adopted the concept of “one person, one vote and every vote counts.” Every eligible voter can cast his or her vote for the national leader. This system has been established.

2. The country has an independent judicial system.

  1. 3. Regular elections are held for elected assemblies.
  1. 4. We also have an independent media, with about 100 cable television stations and nearly 100 newspapers. There is no other country like us having so many media. It is a very special phenomenon.
  1. 5. The military has been nationalized. The separation of the military from politics has been a tradition for about 10 years, without any interruption.

The ROC is a fully democratic country. Therefore, public opinion plays a critical role in cross-strait relations. MAC has entrusted civil organizations and institutions to conduct many public opinion surveys. Results of more than 10 surveys show that most Taiwan people support the status quo. The most recent survey showed the highest percentage, 86%, supporting the status quo, and opposed to rushing into reunification. This means that people want to keep the nation's name as the Republic of China and allow it to carry on. This (public opinion) is what we can rely on in handling cross-strait relations.

The government's emphasis on democracy is also a way to underline the primary barrier to unification – the differences between the systems of the two sides. Extraordinary differences exist between the political systems, economic systems, social systems, and living styles of the two sides. Only when these differences are reduced can democratic unification be achieved. This was one of the major reasons that the government adopted the Guidelines for National Unification.

Furthermore, exchanges would be the only way to narrow the systematic differences in order to achieve national unification. This position remains unchanged. I often use this metaphor: a marriage made under duress will not bring happiness. The unification of the two sides should be through a natural process. If Mainland China's political, economic, social, cultural, and living conditions can be like those of the ROC, I think many Taiwan people might buy an air ticket, even for a midnight flight, to settle down on the Mainland. One article of the Statutes for Relations between the Peoples of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area says that Taiwan people who have lived on the Mainland for four full years will be considered Mainland Chinese and must apply for Taiwan's nationality if they want to return to Taiwan to reside. These people, like Mainland spouses of Taiwan people, might have to wait in line for many years. People of the two sides can travel freely back and forth. It is very convenient. Among those 15 million people paying visits to the Mainland, the Bureau of Entry and Exit only checks the traveler's identity without asking his or her purpose of the trip. So, I want to highlight this point to indicate that the primary barrier to the unification of the two sides is the great difference in systems.

Third, I think that the new government should establish a framework to promote a peaceful and stable cross-strait relationship in order to ease the tensions between the two sides. So far, President-elect Chen has sent out many good-will signals to thaw cross-strait relations. These signals will contribute to friendly interactions between the two sides.

Q. If Minister of National Defense Tang Fei is named the new premier, will this help the new government in establishing peaceful and stable cross-strait relations?

A. According to the ROC Constitution, the president has the power to appoint the premier. This is the president's authority, and MAC has no comment on this.

The MAC News Briefing is an English transcript of the weekly news conference held by the Mainland Affairs Council. We try our best to provide an accurate English translation. In case of discrepancy, the Chinese text rules.