Office of the President
Republic of China (Taiwan)
President Chen Shui-bian gave an interview this morning to CNBC. Following
is the complete transcript of the interview.
CNBC: Mr. President, let me start by asking you what is most topical.
And that is, over the weekend, while I was hereI arrived on Fridaythere
were thousands of people on the streets demonstrating, supporting Taiwan's
push to join the United Nations. Talk to me about why this is happening now,
at this point in time.
President Chen: The main reason is that this is a sign of the times.
In particular, what we are seeing is the consolidation of Taiwan-centric
consciousness, which is the inevitable result [of what Taiwan has been
through]. While there is great diversity within Taiwan's society [and
politics], when it comes to the issue of gaining UN membership, the ruling
and opposition parties actually overlap in their views and share a
consensus. We are very pleased that so many people came out on the weekend
to give voice to Taiwan's 23 million people that Taiwan can become a member
of the UN family. It was wonderful to see this happen.
Taiwan is a very unusual country. First, it was under authoritarian rule and
martial law for decades before it forged ahead toward democratization.
Moreover, in the longer term, there has been the issue of China, which has
meant that Taiwan's democracy and opposition movements have often become
closely bound up with elections. In other words, come election time, the
desire to deepen and consolidate democracy often turns into a movement
involving the entire nation. So, in the past, even though the [Kuomintang]
government opposed reform and democratization, ultimately they were forced
to yield to the power of the people. This is what distinguishes Taiwan from
so many other countries and regions in the world.
Thus, by connecting the bid for UN membership with the presidential election
of March 2008, we may be able to hold a national referendum concurrent with
the election. In this way, the issue of UN membership will become the issue
of a UN membership referendum, which will also be a theme of the election.
So, as the election begins to heat up, you can expect the topic of Taiwan's
UN membership, and with it the national referendum, to become the
overarching themes of the whole election.
CNBC: May I ask the Presidentwe know it's tied to the presidential
elections next Marchthe referendum about joining the United Nations as
Taiwan. But there has already been doubt expressed by the US about the
wisdom of doing it either in this way, or at this time. Washington's, I
suppose, main concern is that it will disturb the status quo with regards to
relations with China. How is he responding to Washington's doubts?
Especially when it is very easy to look atespecially the advertising I've
seenthe phrase I've seen used is "political apartheid." Those are very,
very, very strong words.
President Chen: The 23 million people of Taiwan have been deprived of
and limited in their collective human rights, whether in terms of public
health or politics. In the past few decades, there has been no major change
in or improvement to this situation. Therefore, when we say that the rights
of the 23 million people of Taiwan are being suppressed, boycotted, or
blocked, what we are saying is that we are like a race that is suffering
apartheid. We use an expression like this because we want the international
community to understand more fully the helplessness and despair felt by the
23 million people of Taiwan.
Of the two large rallies that were held last week, the one in Kaohsiung was
attended by more people and was a more lively rally, so what we can tell
most is that the appeal we are making is a single, simple, very clear one,
that is, a referendum to protect Taiwan, to enter the UN. However, at the
[Kuomintang] rally in Taichung, they spoke with little conviction, without
confidence, and about other issues on top of the UN referendum topic.
Therefore, it is very clear that their appeal to "return to the UN under the
name the Republic of China" (ROC) via a referendum is a bogus topic. It was
not their true intention to promote the referendum. Their concern was only
for the election. It must be said that such a stance will not become the
mainstream, majority position in Taiwan's society.
Next year, I am very confident that our referendum on joining the UN under
the name "Taiwan" will pass with a greater than 50-percent support rate.
That is, it will obtain the unwavering support of over eight million
citizens of Taiwan. This is why the other camp is worried and so has no
choice but to follow suit. That is the main reason. However, those who try
to imitate us or follow suit will always be a minority and will always lose.
We maintain that "the Republic of China is Taiwan," but recently Ma
Ying-jeou claimed "Taiwan is the Republic of China." That the ROC is Taiwan is
the status quo. That is the truth. However, if we turn it around and say that
Taiwan is the ROC, there is a problem with that: It is not the truth. The ROC
that Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT talk about includes mainland China and Mongolia,
and is shaped like a begonia leaf [a comparison of the shape of Taiwan versus
that of China]. Without Mongolia, it is shaped like a hen. However, that is
not the status quo. That is impossible. It is a fantasy, a very naïve fantasy.
If the ROC were so big that it included mainland China and Mongolia, we would
have to be saying to ourselves now, "Taiwan is definitely not that ROC."
CNBC: From everything the President has said, I understand about the
democratic aspirations of Taiwan's 23 million people. As much as the tying
of the referendum to the presidential election in March is political to help
your chances of winning, with approval ratings down at the 20 percent level,
as much as it is also, more broadly, aimed at helping Taiwan's people to
realize their democratic aspirations. What are the risks, though, that this
could backfire badly for yourself, your party, as well as for Taiwan?
Because, of course, you risk incurring not just the wrath of the USand they
are already displeasedbut also of mainland China. Is that a risk worth
taking?
President Chen: Taiwan has taken the road of democracy, which is a
road of no return. This year marks the 20th anniversary of the lifting of
martial law, which had been in place for 38 years. After martial law was
lifted, it still has taken us 20 years to transform Taiwan from
authoritarianism to democracy, and for this we have paid a dear price. It
was not a case of lifting martial law today and waking up a democracy
tomorrow. Rather, the democracy and progress we enjoy today have come about
as the result of an enormous amount of sacrifice. That makes us cherish them
even more.
We must, therefore, work very hard to defend and safeguard Taiwan from being
incorporated into the People's Republic of China (PRC). Taiwan is Taiwan.
Taiwan and the PRC are two separate countries, neither of which exercises
effective jurisdiction over the other. This is a fact. This is the status
quo in the Taiwan Strait. All our efforts are thus aimed at defending the
status quo from being destroyed by external forces.
In 1996, before we held our first-ever direct presidential election, China
test-fired two waves of missiles into waters near Taiwan. The closest
missile landed only about 55 kilometers from our shores. In response, our 23
million people used their ballots to say "no" to China's military
intimidation and elected their president.
Likewise, in 2000, Taiwan witnessed the first-ever transfer of political
power between parties. Only three days prior to the election that year,
then-Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji employed very belligerent rhetoric to
threaten Taiwan's people, saying that if they dared to elect methe
presidential candidate for the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)they would
have to suffer the consequences. Again, Taiwan's people bravely used their
ballots to say "no" to China.
In 2004, we held our first-ever "defensive referendum," which China labeled
a move toward "de jure independence." The Chinese authorities employed
bellicose rhetoric and military intimidation against us, but our people
again used ballots to say "no" to China. Next year, I think the people of
Taiwan will again say "no" to China in a refutation of its claims that
Taiwan, or the Republic of China, is not a sovereign state and that Taiwan
is part of the PRC.
CNBC: Mr. President, if we could talk about the economy now. A lot of
people say that perhaps the most honest reaction to any sort of event,
political, or natural disaster, is what the markets do and what business
does, where money moves or doesn't. If you take a look at what's happened
within the last 10, 15, maybe 20 years, there's been an enormous amount of
Taiwanese money that's been invested into China. I think they're probably as
a group, the single-biggest foreign investor. So in that sense there's been
already a lot of integration between Taiwan and China. A lot of people might
thinkbusinessmen especiallymight think, "Look, business always moves far
ahead and far faster than politics." Would you agree with that? And, if so,
what do you think politics can do to catch up with what is already
happening?
President Chen: I don't see a causal relationship [between economic
and political integration]. We have indeed seen ever-more intense commercial
exchanges and cooperation between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, and
unprecedented activities in investment and the setting up of factories and
manufacturing companies in China by Taiwanese firms. But at the same time,
we've also witnessed the rise of Taiwan-centric consciousness.
For example, currently, according to opinion polls, those people who
consider themselves Taiwanese and not Chinese account for 69 percent of
total respondents, while back in the year 2000 when I took office, only half
as many people held this view. So, given the extraordinary integration we
are witnessing on the economic front, we still see continued growing
acceptance of Taiwan-centric consciousness. And I believe this figure will
increase before the March election of next year. I think it will increase to
more than 70 percent, even 75 percent, of our people seeing themselves as
Taiwanese and not Chinese.
On the issue of whether Taiwan as a sovereign nation should use the name
"Taiwan" to join the United Nations, we have over 70 percent, even up to 80
percent, support from our people. On other, even more sensitive issues, such
as Taiwan's status quo or the extent of territory under Taiwan's
jurisdiction, about 75 percent of our people see the status quo as Taiwan
being a sovereign country, not part of the People's Republic of China. And
85 percent of our people hold that the territory of Taiwan only includes
Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu, and does not encompass the Chinese
mainland. That is to say, the territory of Taiwan is restricted to this
small area. Taiwan's territory is shaped like a sweet potato, not like a hen
or the broad leaf of the begonia.
CNBC: Mr. President, you've hadTaiwan has hadten years to observe
Hong Kong after it was taken back by China. A lot of people would say,
politics aside, economically, the standard of living, the quality of life,
everythingat the very leasthas stayed the same, if not improved. And more
recently, they have agreed on something called CEPA, which is essentially
closer economic cooperation. Do you see Taiwan moving along those lines, in
terms of further formal economic integration with China? That's my first
question. And two: What sorts of lessons has Taiwan learned, or do you think
Taiwan should learn, from Hong Kong's experience under China in the last ten
years?
President Chen: Hong Kong is Hong Kong and Taiwan is Taiwan. Taiwan
is not Hong Kong. We do not wish to become a second Hong Kong, because
Taiwan is an independent sovereign country, while Hong Kong was a colony of
the United Kingdom before it was returned to China. The UK gave up
sovereignty over Hong Kong. This was a so-called transfer of sovereignty. It
is not applicable to Taiwan. Hong Kong and China signed a Closer Economic
Partnership Arrangement (CEPA). Most people see this as more symbolic than
substantive, and more political than economic. Hong Kong is already a
special administrative region (SAR) of China. It is part of China. Taiwan,
however, is not a part of China. We could not possibly accept being like
Hong Kong, becoming a SAR or part of China. Therefore, we do not accept the
"one country, two systems" formula, which is a precondition for signing a
CEPA. Hong Kong has accepted China's formula of "one China, two systems." It
was under that precondition and political label that Hong Kong and China
signed a CEPA. If Taiwan were to accept such a formula, it would mean giving
up its sovereignty. Without sovereignty, Taiwan would cease to exist as a
state. The 23 million people of Taiwan could not accept being like Hong Kong
and becoming a SAR or a province of China. If you were to conduct an opinion
poll now, asking our people whether they accept the Hong Kong modelthe 'one
country, two systems' formula, more than 90 percent of our people would say
"no." This is the reality. This is the status quo.
Today, it is more important and meaningful for Taiwan to sign a free trade
agreement (FTA) with the US than to sign a CEPA with China. An FTA between
Taiwan and the US is our first priority. A CEPA between Taiwan and China is
just not possible. As our economic relations with China are already close
enough, signing a CEPA is not necessary. Despite this closeness, we will not
give up our sovereignty, and we will not accept the "one country, two
systems" formula. Neither will we accept a so-called common market
established under the "one-China principle." Consequently, we cannot agree
to the so-called one-China market proposed by Vincent Siew, the running mate
of KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou.
We need to have closer commercial relations with China, but not under the
"one-China principle." This is a sensitive and important issue. After all,
China has never renounced the use of force against Taiwan, and is still
working on a three-stage military plan for war against Taiwan. By the end of
this year, China will have established combat capabilities for comprehensive
contingency response. By 2010, it will have built up combat capabilities for
a large-scale military engagement with Taiwan. And by 2015, it will be ready
to ensure victory in a decisive battle.
As we push for closer commercial relations with China, we must remain alert
to China's continued military intimidation, diplomatic suppression, and use
of united front tactics. We must evaluate and consider all the political and
commercial risks. We should not underestimate them. Therefore, we should use
"proactive management and effective liberalization" as the overarching
guideline for cross-strait economic policies. Although China is a big
market, it cannot be Taiwan's only or ultimate market. We will not put all
our economic resources in, nor will we tie all our economic lifelines to,
the single basket that is China.
CNBC: I understand, of course, Taiwan's continuing concerns with
China's military threat, and from what I remember, I think that the crucial
issue now is that China is developing now what they call a "blue-water
capability" to actually physically be in Taiwan, not just bombard it by air.
There are some people, though, who think that perhaps Taiwan's best defense
against that happening would be, if not political integration, then further
economic integration, whether formal or notallowing flights, allowing
shipping, allowing tourists to go back and forthbecause once that happens,
you have people and capital and money criss-crossing both sides. Why on
Earth would either side want a war? Does it make sense at all now?
President Chen: We believe that, in the face of China's continued
military intimidation and diplomatic suppression, our best defensive
weaponry is not submarines, PAC-3 [missiles], or anti-submarine aircraft,
but rather our democracy. This is why we must continue to deepen and
consolidate democracy, because in it lies the key to our survival and
national development.
Realizing democracy is therefore of the utmost importance. Its true meaning
and substance includes referenda, which are also concrete manifestations of
democracy. We believe that Taiwan is unable to engage in an arms race with
China. What we want is to be able to put up a basic defense and
self-protective shield. We are, therefore, very grateful to the US
government and the Bush administration for acting in accordance with the
Taiwan Relations Act and selling defensive weaponry to Taiwan. However,
these weapons are not the only means we rely upon to safeguard our security
and maintain the status quo. Democracy still plays an absolutely vital role,
and we hope that Taiwan's democracy can act as a beacon of hope to China's
1.3 billion people.
Over the past seven years, we have implemented the "mini-three-links"
[transportation, postal, and commercial links between China and Taiwan's
Matsu and Kinmen islands] and expanded their scope. Moreover, we have also
introduced direct cross-strait charter flights for Lunar New Year and
expanded the provision of such flights to include two other major
traditional holidays. All this is unprecedented. In addition, several years
ago, we set a policy goal to allow tourists from China to visit Taiwan. We
have also been vigorously promoting direct cross-strait charter flights for
cargo.
However, it is very regrettable that the government of China has been
politicizing these issues because they think that allowing tourists from
China to visit Taiwan or introducing direct flights would only serve to add
credit to the DPP administration or myself. They are mistaken in this.
Whatever can be done to add credit to Taiwan and its 23 million people
should be done, and not politicized from the word go. Yet, how come China's
government constantly finds reason to disagree with our government and make
an enemy of Taiwan's president, thus affecting the well-being and livelihood
of our nation's 23 million people?
The root of the problem is that China is bent on downgrading and
marginalizing Taiwan and treating it as a local government of its own, in
attempts to negate the authority of Taiwan's government as well as the
national sovereignty of our country. Even though the KMT has introduced the
"1992 consensus," with its principle of "one China, with each side having
its own interpretation," China has not accepted the KMT's version. This is
because China believes it was only the "one China" part that was agreed
upon, and not the "two interpretations."
At the 1992 Hong Kong meeting, China did not agree that each side could have
its own interpretation of "one China." While they may have discussed it, in
the end, they failed to reach a consensus. Ma Ying-jeou of the KMT said that
each side could have its own interpretation of "one China." However, China
still cannot agree with this idea because they think that allowing each side
to have its own interpretation is no different from admitting that there are
two Chinas. They can only agree that there is "one China" without each side
having its own interpretation. This is the crux of the matter, and the
situation cannot be changed no matter who is president of Taiwan or
whichever party is in power.
In other words, regarding its military threat and diplomatic suppression of
Taiwan, China pays no heed to political affiliation. It does not distinguish
between green [indicating political parties that favor a future in which
Taiwan continues to be apart from China] and blue [indicating parties that
favor a future in which Taiwan is unified with China]. Nor does it
differentiate between the central and local governments, or the private and
public sector. China suppresses Taiwan in [in its attempts to participate
in] the World Health Organization (WHO), and undermines Taiwan in the World
Organization for Animal Health (OIE), trying to make us change the name
under which we participate as an OIE member irrespective of the well-being
of humans or animals.
CNBC: Welcome back, this is The CNBC Conversationwe're talking to
our special guest today, Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian. Mr. President,
after March of next year, after the presidential election, of course, term
limits prevent you from running again for a period of time. What are your
plans? What will you be doing?
President Chen: It is normal for democratic countries to hold regular
elections, and Taiwan is no exception. By May 19 of next year, I will have
finished my second term as president, which will have lasted for eight
years, and on the 20th of May, I will hand over the baton to the next
president. I am very grateful to the 23 million people of Taiwan for having
given me the opportunity to be their president, and also for giving Taiwan
this opportunity.
We cherish very much the achievements that we have made over the past few
years. Taiwan has managed to rid itself of authoritarianism in its march
toward democracy. Not only did we bring about Taiwan's first-ever transfer
of political power between parties, but we were also able to nationalize the
military [so that it is no longer controlled by particular party or
individual]. In terms of freedom of speech and religious freedom, in an
evaluation by the Washington-based organization Freedom House, Taiwan was
awarded full marks. Regarding freedom of the press, Taiwan was ranked number
one in Asia, higher even than Japan, by Paris-based Reporters Without
Borders. We take pride in and are joyful for our democratic achievements.
Another good example of our progress is the referendum. In the past,
referenda were a taboo subject, equated with disasters, and even seen as
capable of causing a war. But we are proud to say that [in 2003,] we passed
a Referendum Act, and [in 2004,] held our first-ever national referendum.
[In 2005,] we incorporated referenda into the Constitution [as a means to
ratify constitutional amendments]. Next year, we will put further issues to
a vote via referendum.
We are glad we embarked on the correct paththat of democracyand we are
very grateful for the continuous encouragement and support that the United
States has given to Taiwan in its democratization, helping us to make so
much progress and produce such fruitful results along the way. Next year,
when I leave the presidency, I will be very content with what we've achieved
so far.
Some people say that retired presidents, or former presidents, shouldn't
meddle too much in political affairs. I think that not only should they
avoid meddling too much; even "meddling a little" is unacceptable, as it
still implies a degree of involvement, and any form of involvement is
unnecessary. I shall remember this, and when I leave office, I will be
content with being a willing volunteer and a happy grandpa, spending more
time with my grandchildren. I will keep in mind that I should not meddle in
political affairs or involve myself with the next president's administration
when I have left this post.
CNBC: I guess I am sorry if I interrupt her. I am asking the
roundabout way to getting towards the question of what the president think
about the DPP's priorities, economic priorities and plans should be, post
March next year?
President Chen: I think the direction is very clear. While continuing
to insist on Taiwan-centric consciousness, we must reinvigorate Taiwan's
economy, ensure sustainable development, and focus on social justice and
equity. This is another important path to follow.
We attach great importance to maintaining balance in terms of economic
development. The so-called three balances mean maintaining balance in the
areas of regional, industrial, and environmental development. Looking at
"balance" in regional development in the past under KMT rule, development
was focused on northern Taiwan, while the southern, central, and eastern
regions were neglected. Since the DPP came to power, we have been trying our
best to achieve balanced development for all regions and areas in Taiwanbe
they urban or rural, in the north, south, west, or east, or on the main
island or on outlying smaller islands.
In addition, we have our "three middles" policy, which places more emphasis
on helping the central and southern regions develop, and helping the lower
and middle classes, and small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as
underprivileged groups, of course.
As for "balance" in industrial development, apart from the two so-called
trillion-dollar industries of semiconductors and flat-panel display
production and the "twin star" industries of digital content and
biotechnology, we hope to see precision machinery, communications and
electronics technology, and biotechnology become Taiwan's third, fourth, and
fifth trillion-dollar industries.
We will actively support the Kyoto Protocol and the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change. Although Taiwan is not a UN member, it will
not shirk its global environmental responsibility. Our next step is to
develop clean, renewable, and alternative energy. In the future, we will
also see drives to develop solar energy, wind power, and biomass energy
sources such as biofuel and biodiesel.
We are also working hard on helping emerging industries like wireless
broadband, digital lifestyle, health care, and green business. The prospects
are very good. We think the combined production of these industries will
reach US$40 billion by 2009, and increase four-fold to US$160 billion by
2015. These are industries where Taiwan can devote its resources in the
future and where it has the best competitive advantage. Although still in
the initial stages, we are very optimistic about the future development of
these industries.
In respect to financial reform, Taiwan was lucky to have escaped the
immediate effects of the Asian financial crisis of [1998], but that did not
mean that Taiwan's fundamental financial problems had been solved. The
previous administration did just enough to cover up the problems and
postpone financial troubles to a later date.
In 2000, when I assumed office as president, many people warned me that a
domestic financial crisis was going to befall Taiwan, and that it would come
no later than late 2000 or beginning of 2001 before the Lunar New Year. I
bore that in mind and made 2001 our year of financial reform. That summer,
we passed six major financial reform bills. I am proud that during this
first phase of financial reform, NT$1.6 trillion of non-performing loans
have been written off, and the average non-performing loan ratio has been
reduced from more than 11 percent to less than 2.3 percent.
Reforming the credit departments of farmers' and fishermen's cooperatives
that were no longer competitive was a difficult task. However, we believe we
have pulled off a mission impossible and successfully reformed these
departments.
Concerning our second phase of financial reform, we have gone some way
toward achieving the goals we set out to meet. For example, we hope to have
three domestic banks each with at least 10 percent of market share.
Moreover, we have reduced the number of financial institutions a majority of
whose shares are government-controlled from twelve to six.
What we have yet to do is reduce the number of financial holding companies,
now numbering 14, by half. Because many are privately owned, we will need to
continue to encourage them to merge. Many specialist investment institutions
have suggested that the number of financial holding companies should be
reduced to between six and four. We have set our goal at halving the number
to seven, and we are encouraging advances in this area.
By the end of this year, we hope to merge the Bank of Taiwan, the Land Bank,
and the Export-Import Bank of the ROC into a financial holding company
called Taiwan Financial Holdings, which will be the 18th largest in Asia and
89th largest in the world, giving Taiwan at least one in the top 100 such
firms globally. We also want to encourage and support foreign banks and
financial institutions to merge with or take 100-percent ownership of local
banks. For that reason, we have amended regulations to allow this. A foreign
bank having 100-percent ownership of local banks will not be a problem, and
if they want to do this, then they will also be able to set up new
commercial banks in Taiwan.
These steps represent how we want to go about reforming Taiwan's overall
financial situation. That is, we aim to strengthen and increase the
competitiveness of our financial institutions, fully embrace globalization
and liberalization, and move closer into step with the international
community.
CNBC: Mr. President, one final question before we go. You have six
months left till the March presidential election next year, until your final
term in office runs out. I would think it would be a safe assumption to
think that yourself and the party, most of the energy and a lot of time
would be going towards winning the election. My question to you is,
therefore, I suppose it would also be fairly safe to assume that within the
next six months, there is very little that investors or businesspeople from
outside should expect in terms of reform, especially economic reforms,
financial reforms as well. But after the March election, are you confident
that (a) there is enough momentum in reforms that they will continue and (b)
the changes that you've seen fit to make have been institutionalized, or are
enough to institutionalize reforms, that they will carry on after you. That
is what I am trying to ask you.
President Chen: Reform is a road of no return because it is the
correct path. We will not stop or slow the pace of reform, including
financial reform, just because elections are approaching. I mentioned
establishing Taiwan Financial Holdings. The election will not affect this.
In fact, we would like to establish it around the time of the election.
After it is set up, it will certainly account for more than 15 percent of
market share and we hope for it to be one of the top 100 financial
institutions globally.
We hope that foreign investors and businesspeople can set their minds at
ease. Even though we are holding elections, we will still go ahead with what
we need to do. In particular, in the last eight months of my term, we will
continue to promote various reforms. We will continue to work on incentives
favorable to improving the economy and people's livelihoods and other
measures.
We have great confidence that the party firm in upholding Taiwan-centric
consciousness will still be in power after the election next year. Because
of this, the political situation will actually become more stable. This is
because the Communist Party of China (CPC) will eventually learn to face
reality. Those parties, including the KMT, that engage in a power struggle
will lose and realize that boycotts, fighting, and other activities that
wasted resources in the past were actually harmful to everyone and did not
benefit them. In the end, they will still be unable to return to power.
Therefore, the KMT will launch internal reviews and make changes, which is a
positive development for Taiwan's political stability and future economic
development.
By the same token, China has been waiting since 2000, hoping the KMT they
support would return to power. However, the fact is that, in the end, their
hopes will not be realized. The CPC will thus also review and change its
policy of opposing and refusing to contact or engage in dialogue with
Taiwan's government and popularly elected president. Because of this, in the
future, the two sides of the Taiwan Strait will definitely further normalize
relations, which is a positive and constructive result.
For foreign investors and businesspeople in Taiwan looking for opportunities
to make money, this will mean greater security and protection. We would like
all our friends, especially foreign investors and businesspeople, to
understand that although some of us may have different observations and
opinions, Taiwan's future will surely be better after March 22 next year. We
have confidence that Taiwan will get better next year, and the year after
that.
To put it simply, if the referendum regarding joining the United Nations
under the name "Taiwan" is passed, the solidarity of people in Taiwan will
be further strengthened, and they will have greater strength to face the
world, which will benefit economic development. In addition, as the DPP,
which upholds Taiwan-centric consciousness, will continue to be in power
after May 20 next year, and as the combination of the names of the DPP
presidential and vice presidential candidatesHsieh Chang-ting and Su Tseng-changshow,
Taiwan will enjoy everlasting prosperity (chang-chang).
(Should discrepancies exist between the Chinese and English transcripts of
the President's remarks, the Chinese version takes priority.)
【Source: Office of the President】